This article was originally published on Amansaman.
Sectarianism has rarely been out of the news since a spate of 
high-profile threats at the start of the year spurred the Scottish 
Government into action. A “summit” (as in “we have to do summit aboot 
this”) was held in the run up to the Scottish election, and football 
clubs, police and politicians promised action. When, after the election,
 Celtic manager Neil Lennon was assaulted on live television, the 
rhetoric hardened and the newly anointed SNP majority government pledged
 new laws to solve the problem.
Fast forward a few months and, while the passage of new legislation 
has been slowed to allow for proper consultation, the Lennon case has 
been prosecuted, and this week the jury reached a verdict, sensationally
 acquitting John Wilson of the assault charge, convicting him instead of
 a breach of the peace. But more interestingly as far as I’m concerned, 
the jury chose to remove the statutory aggravation of “motivated by 
religious prejudice” from the charge, meaning that Wilson was not 
convicted of a hate crime.
Under Scots law, any charge can have an aggravation attached to it by
 the Procurator Fiscal to identify additional factors in a crime, but 
different approaches in different areas mean that they are used 
haphazardly. Statutory aggravations are a relatively new concept 
designed to standardise aggravations to identify hate crimes. The first 
was introduced in 1998, covering racially motivated crimes; in 2003 a 
statutory aggravation for religiously motivated crimes was brought in; 
and last year more, covering homophobic and transphobic crimes, were 
created.
The logic is pretty reasonable. If hate crimes are accurately 
identified and similarly prosecuted across the country, then sentences 
can be consistent and the authorities can gather statistics which help 
formulate policy to combat these type of offences.
So far so good. Juries are being asked to assess the motivations of 
actions, like those of John Wilson, to decide how harsh his sentence 
should be. They have to be sure beyond a reasonable doubt of those 
motivations. So it is right that, when they cannot establish that 
certainty, such aggravations are dropped from the conviction. 
Nonetheless, statutory aggravations give a solid and useful method for 
identifying and monitoring hate crime across Scotland.
So if we have an effective way of prosecuting hate crimes (even if 
not all prosecutions are effective, as the Lennon case shows) then why 
is the Scottish Parliament in the throes of constructing more law to 
tackle sectarianism?
The answer, unfortunately, is that it is trying to “send a message”. A
 dodgy form of politics and a dodgy form of law, because it is 
essentially a sleight of hand. “Send a message” politics tries to change
 behaviour by giving it a special status in criminal law, when in fact 
the behaviour is already against the law. It tries to set up a hierarchy
 of badness, making a particular crime worse than another simply because
 it is part of a social phenomenon which is of concern.
We saw an analogy in the aftermath of the recent London riots, when 
magistrates were instructed to hand down jail sentences for all offences
 committed during the unrest. So the smashing of a shop window which 
might have attracted a fine were it done the day before, attracted six 
months in prison because it was done as part of that dangerous few 
nights. By all rational assessment this is ludicrous, and it’s highly 
likely that a series of expensive appeals will overturn the worst 
excesses.
The danger with current proposals for anti-sectarian law is that they
 may do the same. It is one thing to use statutory aggravations to track
 and monitor hate crimes; it is quite another to enshrine in law that 
committing a crime on the day of a football match is worse than 
committing the same crime the day before. A famous political fallacy is 
in danger of being brought to bear again: “Something must be done; this 
is something; therefore it must be done.”
Sectarianism is a scourge in parts of Scotland, but so are racism, 
homophobia and Islamophobia. And if we’re honest, they all have the same
 root, and it’s nothing to do with religion, race or sexuality. Some 
people are violent and pig-ignorant. We’ve developed ways of dealing 
with such people over the centuries, none of which are perfect, but they
 are the best we have. We ought to think carefully before we send any 
more messages using the law. They might just get lost in translation.
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